![]() But social media companies have argued that they are not publishers and have minimal responsibility to vet posts, although they have agreed to conduct some editorial decisions and fact checking.Ĭriminalisation, of course, has a cost. Social media platforms give the public a voice to exchange information, and the most common sources of vaccine information are often non-experts. Traditional media (newspaper, TV, radio) are considered “publishers,” being subject to regulation. 14 The argument for such legislation is that it could force social media companies to self-regulate and to police content. As of 2018, Germany required social media platforms to remove hate speech or fake information within 24 hours, threatening maximum fines of €50m (£43.9m $60.4m). Laws against spreading fake news and health disinformation have been passed in France, Germany, Malaysia, Russia, and Singapore. ![]() But criminalisation is not straightforward. On ethical grounds, deliberate intent to spread malicious vaccine disinformation that could result in preventable deaths should be considered criminal. 12 A recent UK study found that users who relied on social media for their information, particularly YouTube, were significantly less willing to be vaccinated. 11 And search algorithms promote content similar to what users have previously watched, leading people into increasingly narrow echo chambers of disinformation. 10 Over 65% of YouTube’s content about vaccines seems to be about discouraging their use-focusing on autism, adverse reactions, or mercury content. 9 A majority (70-83%) of Americans and Europeans use the internet to find health information, often on social media. In uncertain conditions people struggle to sort through complex, evolving information: 25% of Americans report having unwittingly shared fake news stories. We are also facing an “infodemic”-an overabundance of information, both factual and false. 8 Doubt destabilises, polarises, and erodes trust. “Merchandising doubt” is effective, from denying a link between cigarettes and cancer to questioning climate change or national election results. Simple, emotive, and compelling disinformation can sow doubt and distrust by exploiting perceived U turns in scientific knowledge or by presenting government or public health decisions as establishment failures. 6 Spreading falsehoods can be lucrative, and some people allegedly benefit from spreading conspiracy theories and selling coronavirus cures. ![]() 4 It is nothing new-from the Anti-Vaccination Leagues of the 1880s, fighting infringements of personal liberty, 5 to the persistence of the fraudulent Wakefield study linking the MMR vaccine to autism (despite its retraction). Finally, there are the communities, which have a relatively small following and are mainly to be found on Facebook.False information about vaccines is heterogeneous, spread by groups ranging from anti-vaccine libertarians protecting civil liberties to concerned parents and health conscious people. Conspiracy theorists constitute the third category. “Going after a few high-profile hucksters who are exploiting and encouraging anti-vaccine sentiment to make money would be a powerful disincentive to anyone else considering choosing the same path”, he said. Imran Ahmed, founder and chief executive officer of CCDH, advocates prosecuting vendors who make false claims about their products. The CCDH report accuses Facebook of being a “shopfront for anti-vaxx products”, directing customers to online marketplaces where these products can be purchased. Second, entrepreneurs reach around half of the anti-vaccine following, exposing them to advertisements for products purporting to have health benefits. First, campaigners work full-time to foment distrust in vaccines, but they only reach 12% of the total audience that follows the anti-vaccine movement. The CCDH report divided the online anti-vaccine movement into four (sometimes overlapping) groups.
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